If you ever
believed that throwing billions of dollars of private money at the national
election campaigns is just the way things get done in America – evidence that
we are a truly capitalistic country – and has no effect on the outcome of the
legislative process, I recommend that you read two books, Act of Congress by
Robert G. Kaiser and America’s Bitter Pill by Steven Brill. These authors argue
persuasively that both the Dodd-Frank legislation and the Affordable Care Act
left so many vital issues unattended, because special interest groups had made
it clear what they would and would not accept.
A stark
irony surfaces when the question gets asked: “What did all that campaign money
buy us?” We all know the answer: Nothing of substance or value has been
accomplished by our elected officials who have so diligently held out their
hands to receive the money that has financed their election and re-election
campaigns. The irony is that this is exactly what the moneymen intended. All
that money (about $4 billion just for the 2014 mid-term elections) for no other
result than that the Republicans strengthened their grip on Congress. We get
exactly what the campaign donors were looking for when they wrote their large
checks: nothing coming out of Congress: no tax reform, no tort reform, no debt
reduction, no gun control, no comprehensive immigration legislation, no
infrastructure investments, no climate control measures, no Arctic development
and protection initiative, nothing to enhance America’s global position,
NOTHING!
Nobody in
America seriously believes that our elected officials are corrupt in the
old-fashioned sense of the God-father (envelopes or briefcases with money under
the table). If that happens at all, it is an anomaly and not at all representative
of the system. But the system is corrupt in a more fundamental and damaging
way. The moneymen and special interest groups have nestled themselves between
the People and their elected representatives, making a mockery of our democracy
as it was intended and designed by our founding fathers.
A Congressperson, man
or woman, Democrat, Republican or Independent, starts the day with a money
raising breakfast, to move on to a fund raising lunch and finish the day with a
fund raising dinner. The time in between is filled with meetings with lobbyists
and phone calls to campaign contributors. There is no time left to do the
People’s work and does anyone really believe that such agenda does not
necessarily make these Congresspersons more beholden to their campaign donors
than their constituents?
Former
Senator Alan Simpson said it best when he testified in a campaign-finance court
case: “Who, after all, can seriously
contend that a $100,000 donation does not alter the way one thinks about—and
quite possibly votes on—an issue?”
That is why,
in my book NEITHER HERE NOR THERE, A First Generation Immigrant in Search of
American Exceptionalism, I make the case for public financing of election
campaigns, for limiting the duration of election campaigns and for reducing the
frequency of elections.
How much
more effective would our politicians be if they did not have to run around all
the time to collect campaign contributions? Without campaign contributions from
private citizens, corporations, interest groups, and Political Action
Committees, how much less beholden would our representatives in public office
be to anyone but their true constituency and the common public interest?
Supreme
Court Justice Stephen Breyer, in his dissenting opinion in the McClutcheon
case, hit the nail on the head when he wrote that, “The anticorruption interest that drives Congress to regulate campaign
contributions is a far broader, more important interest than the plurality [of
the Court] acknowledges. It is an interest in maintaining the integrity of our
public governmental institutions.” And then he wrote: “Where enough money calls the tune, the general public will not be
heard.” In his dissent he accuses the deciding majority of the Supreme
Court of failing to recognize the difference between influence resting upon
public opinion and influence bought by money alone.
As a public
we can complain forever about how dysfunctional our political system has
become, but we have to realize that one of the root causes of this breakdown in
our democracy is that the moneymen have come between the citizens (voters) and
their elected representatives. What counts is not what you and I think that
needs to get done, what counts is what the large campaign donors want our
representatives in Congress to say and do and what the influential special
interest are supporting or not supporting. No-one gets elected to Congress
anymore, unless the candidate is willing to cater and pander to the whims of
the campaign donors and these special interest groups.
Only
Congress itself can lift us out of this morass. It can do so by changing the
election laws to only permit public financing of election campaigns and putting
term limits in place. Not to speak of constitutional amendments changing the
frequency of elections and the term of tenure for our elected officials. But
that would require for the Congress to pull itself out of the morass by its own
bootstraps, which—as we all know—is one of the hardest things to do.
Admittedly, the hurdles for the members of Congress to effect the required
change are phenomenal. First, it would have to muster the courage and moral
fortitude to ignore what the moneymen and special interests want them to do.
And, if they can pull that off, they would have to have the courage of
conviction—in defiance of the Supreme Court— that cutting the moneymen out of
the election process can be done without infringing upon citizens’ rights under
the First Amendment.
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