RESOLUTIONS

If America were a person intent on bettering its life by cutting through the clutter, ridding itself of distractions, focusing on what really matters and making the most out of its God given potential, then it probably would have made the following New Year’s resolutions:

1.       Get out of debt and live within my means.

2.       Don’t hide behind the Constitution as an excuse for not dealing with my problems.

3.       Put my own house in order before I become judgmental and interfere with how other persons conduct their lives.

4.       Make sure that the rising tide lifts all boats.

Sounds reasonable and doable doesn’t it? Alas, we know only too well, also from own experience, what happens to our lofty New Year’s resolutions as we get further away from the January 1 date. Other priorities take over and we quickly fall back into the familiar routine that we know but will not get the job done. There is always next year!

America can (and needs to) do better than that. How much of a challenge do these four resolutions represent? Let’s examine that.

The first resolution is blindingly obvious and straightforward. America simply can’t continue to, each and every year, spend more than it takes in. Nobody really knows where the tipping point is. At what point will our indebtedness impede and reverse economic growth? America should not continue to test the boundaries and find out where the tipping point lies. Instead it should muster the courage to sort out what kind and level of spending is required to execute a national strategy that propels the nation forward, economically, socially, culturally, protected by adequate security. And then eliminate all other spending. To cover the cost of these expenditures America should set up a revenue collection system and process that 1) supports attainment of  the national strategy; 2) is fair and supported by its citizenry; and 3) preempts further deficits. Holding on to this resolution is going to be painful, given the depth of the hole that America has dug for itself.

The second resolution requires more explanation. In making this resolution America is asking itself if the writers of the Constitution could have ever intended to protect some of the rights that, by judicial interpretation, have become unassailable in our current lives. For instance, where comes the right from to buy, with virtually unlimited funds, the subservience of our elected officials to their campaign donors? Did the writers of the second amendment to the Constitution truly mean to put military style weapons in the hands of Americans outside of their participation in a well-regulated militia? If the writers of the first amendment to the Constitution had had access to television, would they have condoned and protected the right of political candidates and their cronies to pollute the airwaves with lies, distortions and innuendo about their opponents? What would they have thought of the end run that pharmaceutical companies make around physicians by advertising their ware directly to an unsuspecting public trying to watch the news, a game or some entertainment? America is hiding behind its reverence for a document written two hundred years ago in a world that has no resemblance with the world we are living in today. It provides an excuse for not acting where a responsible government would have to feel compelled to act in protection of the interest of its people.

The third resolution addresses America’s responsibilities beyond its borders. Resolutions are made with the intent to achieve better outcomes. While many in the USA and abroad believe that America is the indispensable power in keeping a semblance of order in the world, an activist American diplomatic and military intervention in foreign affairs is less and less in the cards for three reasons: 1) after Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan the American public cannot stomach more body-bags coming back; 2) it is costly and would have to lead to either increased taxes or increased deficits; 3) the ‘Yankee go home’ sentiment is widespread around the world. The fact is that America has lost the moral authority required of an effective arbiter in world affairs. It is exacerbated by the irresponsible rhetoric used in the presidential election campaign and abandonment of a long standing American tradition that in matters of foreign policy democrats and republicans rally behind the president. That moral authority is best regained by showing the world that America has the will, the means and the capacity to solve its domestic problems manifested by its growing national debt, its crumbling infrastructure, its political polarization, its governance system corrupted by money-influences and its increased inequality. Leading by example is still the best recipe for attracting followers and allies.

The fourth resolution is about counteracting the forces that drive sharpening inequality. America’s capacity to create wealth is still unmatched in the world, but it increasingly benefits a tiny segment of the population. If it merely was a matter of math, the solution would be simple: Dividing the nation’s income generation capacity, or the aggregate wealth, by the number of residents would lift everyone out of poverty and restore the middle class. That is just to say that America has the financial capacity to make sure that the rising tide lifts indeed all boats. But does it have the political will to get there? America would have to make sure that institutional advantages and disadvantages do not get perpetuated and exacerbated. Here the focus should be on the younger generations. They represent the future and are the ones who will project the revived American moral authority abroad. For that they, all of them, need to have a chance to grow up, protected from poverty, disease, abuse and addictions and supported by great education, a healthy environment and effective social services.

America is not a person and there is no indication that its political leadership has made any commonly agreed upon New Year’s resolutions. But four simple resolutions sure could make a difference.