(Parts of this column have appeared before in my 2014 book “Neither here nor there” and in a 2015 column titled “Money Speaks.”)
According to
the Center for Responsive Politics, we spent $14 billion trying to influence
the outcome of the 2020 election. What did that money get us? We got a
desperately needed eviction from the White House and a Congress that is almost
equally divided between the two parties that have now dominated the scene in
Washington DC for well over a century. Would the outcome have been any
different if no money, or only a fraction of $14 billion had been spent in the
process? And what could have been done with that money, had it not been spent
on campaigning?
The first
question is impossible to answer with any degree of certainty, but, given the
fact that both parties received billions of dollars in support of their causes
and candidates, it is doubtful that money decided the outcome overall. The
other question is easier to answer. We need to realize that we are talking
about private, not public funds. The source of the money is campaign donors,
political action committees, and special interest groups and if the money had
not been spent on the political campaigns, it would have been invested
elsewhere or put into savings where it would have benefitted the general
economy. It could have been donated to good-cause charities, of which there is
no shortage in our capitalistic system, where the role of the government in
financing societal needs is limited by design.
Between the
doubtful effectiveness of money in politics, given the fact that it serves all
sides in roughly equal proportion, and the opportunity cost of this
expenditure, it should be clear that the nearly unrestrained flow of money into
our political process is one of the reasons why our political system has
stopped working as intended by our founding fathers. This money is not merely
supporting candidates, but also causes, policy, that should be decided by
discourse rather than money. Discourse has almost entirely vanished from the
halls of Congress, where our representatives have settled for making
statements, grandstanding, that can be used for media coverage, which, in turn,
support the case for re-election. Where money can decide policy, the need for
reasoning, debate and compromise evaporates. It is very unlikely to happen with
the current composition of the Supreme Court, but if, for the good of the country,
any legal precedent should be reversed by SCOTUS, it should be the case of
Citizens United vs FEC, that opened the floodgates for money flowing into
political campaigns.
Money, not competency, is now the
critical success factor for any national elected office and for most of the
high-profile state and municipal elected offices. In 1950, senators could get
elected by spending 100,000 dollars on their campaigns; by 1980, that number
was typically several million dollars; by 2010, many senate candidates spent
20-30 million dollars to win or retain their seats. And in the 2020 election
even a $106 million war chest could not buy Jaime Harrison a Senate seat for
South Carolina.
Combined with the freedom of speech,
which allows any interest group or political action committee (PAC) to craft
any commercial, pro or con a candidate for office, without regard to truth or
material content, money has taken control of the political process in the USA,
starting with the election process.
Only in America! Nowhere else in the
democratic realm of nations has money taken such a commanding control of the
political process and its outcomes. Nicholas Stephanopoulos of the University
of Chicago wrote in the 2013 Columbia Law
Review: “There is near consensus in
the empirical literature that politicians’ positions more accurately reflect
the views of their donors than those of their constituents.” We are so far
along this corrupting road that it is hard to imagine that we can free
ourselves from the influence of money on the outcome of our political system.
But we should try with all of our might. And the following steps would go a
long way towards removing the controlling influence of money:
·
Limit the period
during which the media are allowed to run political advertisements in similar
ways as currently practiced in Canada and the U.K.
·
Prohibit private
funding of election campaigns and replace it with a system of public funding in
equal amounts for each candidate.
·
Pay members of
congress an honorarium of a million dollars per year and prohibit them from
earning or accepting any money (other than from existing investments) from
private sources for the time of their tenure.
·
Prohibit members
of congress from lobbying the government for a period of five years from
leaving congress.
The voting public should be the boss,
but its influence has been hijacked by individuals and institutions with
pockets deep enough to buy the subservience and vote of the peoples’
representatives. The net result is that the nation’s business no longer gets
done. The federal government can no longer proclaim that it sets the rules of
the game by which all constituents must play. As long as money rules, Congress
is prevented from creating optimum conditions for free enterprise and citizens
to shape conditions for a brilliant, sustainably competitive future.
Only
Congress itself can lift us out of this morass. It can do so by changing the
election laws to only permit public financing of election campaigns. But that
would require for the Congress to pull itself out of the morass by its own
bootstraps, which—as we all know—is one of the hardest things to do.
Admittedly, the hurdles for the members of Congress to effect the required
change are phenomenal. First, it would have to overcome its current implacable
polarization. Then it would have to muster the courage and moral fortitude to
ignore what the moneymen and special interests want them to do. And, if they
can pull that off, they would have to have the courage of conviction—in
defiance of the Supreme Court— that cutting the moneymen out of the election
process can be done without infringing upon citizens’ rights under the First
Amendment.
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